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The Whitlam Government - 1972-1975 by Gough Whitlam - 1985 Edition
The Whitlam Government 1972 - 1975 -
Gough Whitlam
Used rare hardback: .1985 edition in good condition -
From the Dust Jacket - "A frank and expansive book by a literate and
visionary statesman is a rarity. The Whitlam Government is such a rarity.
"In this book Gough Whitlam not only draws a vivid portrait of three memorable
years in Australia's history. He paints a broad and illuminating canvas of
Australia as it was, as it has become and as yet it might be.
Whitlam brought Labor to power on 2 December 1972 after twenty-three years in
the political wilderness, with a commitment to change and reform summed up in
the campaign call, 'It's Time.' His Government was dismissed by the
Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, in unprecedented circumstances on 11 November
1975.
Accounts of the period published so far have emphasised 'a Goverment rich in
personal and political drama, not least, of course, in the manner of its
destruction'. This book deals chiefly with policies, their development and
implementation. It is 'a full account of the aspirations and achievements as
well as frustrations of the Whitlam Government.'
Gough Whitlam's Government was a government of reform and his account shows the
Labor administration's concern for Australia's place in a more just world; for
the quality of Australian life; for equality of opportunity for all Australians
and how those issues were elevated to the national agenda under his leadership."
About the Author Gough Whitlam
Edward Gough Whitlam, AC, QC (born 11 July 1916), known as Gough Whitlam
is an Australian former politician and 21st Prime Minister of Australia.
After initially falling short of gaining enough seats to win government at the
1969 election, Whitlam led the Labor Party in to government at the 1972 election
after 23 years of conservative government in Australia. After winning the 1974
election, he was dismissed in 1975 by Governor-General Sir John Kerr following a
protracted constitutional crisis caused by a refusal of opposition Coalition
members to pass Supply Bills in the Australian Senate, and lost the subsequent
1975 election. He is the only Australian Prime Minister to be dismissed by the
Governor-General, using reserve powers. Although his government spent a
relatively short time in office, many of the policies and institutions set up
under it are still evident today, such as Medicare. His 'presidential' style of
politics, the socially progressive policies he pursued, and the dramatic
dismissal and subsequent election loss still arouse intense passion and debate.
Gough Whitlam was born in Kew, a suburb of Melbourne. His father, Fred Whitlam,
was a federal public servant who served as Commonwealth Crown Solicitor. Whitlam
senior's involvement in human rights issues was a powerful influence on his son.
Whitlam was educated at Sydney's Knox Grammar School and at Canberra Grammar
School, where he became friends with Francis James. Whitlam then studied law at
the University of Sydney. During the Second World War he served overseas as a
navigator in the Royal Australian Air Force's No. 13 Squadron, reaching the rank
of Flight Lieutenant. He completed his studies after the war and was admitted to
the New South Wales bar in 1947.
On 22 April 1942 Whitlam married Margaret Dovey, daughter of Judge Bill Dovey,
and had three sons and a daughter. Margaret Whitlam is known for having a
sardonic wit equal to that of her husband and is a published author as well as a
former champion swimmer. On the 60th anniversary of their marriage in 2002, he
claimed a record for matrimonial endurance amongst politicians.
One of their sons, Nicholas Whitlam, became a prominent banker and a
controversial figure in his own right. Another, Tony Whitlam, was briefly a
federal MP and was appointed as a judge in 1993 to the Federal Court of
Australia, and later in 1994 a judge of the ACT Supreme Court. A third son,
Stephen Whitlam (b. 1950), is a former diplomat. Daughter Catherine Dovey (b.
1954) formerly served on the New South Wales Parole Board.
Whitlam's impetus to become involved in politics was the Chifley government's
post-war referendum to gain increased powers for the federal government. He
joined the Australian Labor Party in 1945 and in 1950 was a Labor candidate for
the New South Wales Legislative Assembly: a contest he was later grateful to
have lost. When Hubert Lazzarini, the sitting member for the safe Federal
electorate of Werriwa, died in 1952, Whitlam was elected to the House of
Representatives at the by-election on 29 November 1952.
Noted since his school-days for his erudition, eloquence and incisive wit,
Whitlam soon became one of the ALP's star performers. Widely acknowledged as one
of the best political speakers and parliamentary debaters of his time, he was
also one of the few in the ALP who could hold his own against Robert Menzies on
the floor of the House.
After the electoral success of the Curtin and Chifley years, the 1950s were a
grim and divisive time for Labor. The Liberal-Country Party coalition government
of Robert Menzies gained power in the election of 1949 and governed for a record
23 years. Chifley died in June 1951. His replacement, Dr H.V. Evatt, lacked
Chifley's conciliatory skills.
Whitlam admired Evatt greatly, and was a loyal supporter of his leadership,
through a period dominated by the Labor split of 1955, which resulted in the
Catholic right wing of the party breaking off to form the Democratic Labor Party
(DLP). In 1960, having lost three elections, Evatt resigned, to be replaced by
Arthur Calwell, with Whitlam winning the election for deputy over veteran Labor
MP Eddie Ward. Calwell came within a handful of votes of winning the 1961
election, but progressively lost ground from that time onward.
The ALP, having been founded as a party to represent the working classes, still
regarded its parliamentary representatives as servants of the party as a whole,
and required them to comply with official party policy. This led to the
celebrated Faceless Men picture of 1963, which showed Calwell and Whitlam
waiting outside a Canberra hotel for the decision of an ALP Federal Conference.
Prime Minister Menzies used it to great advantage in the November 1963 election
campaign, drawing attention to "the famous outside body, thirty-six 'faceless
men' whose qualifications are unknown, who have no electoral responsibility."
Whitlam was quick to respond, and spent years struggling for party reform at one
stage, dubbing his opponents "the 12 witless men" and eventually succeeded in
having the secretive Labor Party National Conference turned into an open public
forum, with state representatives elected in proportion to their membership, and
with both state and federal parliamentary leaders being automatic members.
Through the 1960s, Whitlam's relationship with Calwell and the right wing of the
party remained uneasy. Whitlam opposed several key Labor policies, including
nationalisation of industry, refusal of state aid to religious schools, and
Calwell's continued support for the White Australia Policy. His stances brought
him into direct conflict with the ALP leadership on several occasions and he was
almost expelled from the party in 1966 because of his vocal support for
government aid to private schools, which the ALP opposed.
In January 1966, Menzies finally retired after a record term in office. His
successor as Liberal Party leader, Harold Holt, led the coalition to a landslide
election victory in November on a pro-American, pro-Vietnam War policy. This
crushing defeat prompted Calwell to step down in early 1967. Gough Whitlam then
became Leader of the Opposition, narrowly defeating his rival, Jim Cairns.
Whitlam swiftly made his mark on the ALP, bringing his campaign for internal
reform to fruition, and overhauling or discarding a series of Labor policies
that had been enshrined for decades. Economic rationalism was pioneered, the
White Australia policy was dropped, Labor no longer opposed state aid, and the
air of grim working-class puritanism that attended the Labor Party of the 1950s
gave way to one that was younger, more optimistic, more socially liberal, more
intellectual, and decidedly middle-class.
Meanwhile, after Holt's disappearance in December 1967, the Liberal Party began
to succumb to internal dissent. They first elected Senator John Gorton as
leader. However, Whitlam quickly gained the upper hand on Gorton, in large part
because he was one of the first Australian politicians to realise and fully
exploit the power of television as a political tool. Whitlam won two
by-elections, then an 18-seat swing in the 1969 election. He actually won a bare
majority of the two-party preferred vote, but the Democratic Labor Party's
longstanding practice of preferencing against Labor left him four seats short of
bringing the Coalition down. In 1971, the Liberals dumped Gorton in favour of
William McMahon. However, McMahon was considered well past his political prime,
and was never able to get the better of the more charismatic Whitlam.
Outside parliament, Whitlam concentrated on party reform and new policy
development. He advocated the abolition of conscription and Australian
withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and in 1971 visited the People's Republic of
China (PRC), promising to establish diplomatic relations much to the chagrin of
McMahon, who attacked Whitlam for this policy, only to discover that President
Richard Nixon was also working toward recognising the PRC. The 1972 federal
election saw Whitlam lead the ALP to its first electoral victory since 1946.
Prime Minister 1972-75
Custom dictated that Whitlam should have waited until the process of vote
counting was complete, and then call a Caucus meeting to elect his Ministers
ready to be sworn in by the Governor-General. Meanwhile, the outgoing Prime
Minister would remain in office as a caretaker. However, unwilling to wait,
Whitlam had himself and Deputy Leader Lance Barnard sworn in as a two-man
government as soon as the overall result was beyond doubt, on 5 December 1972,
the Tuesday after the Saturday election; they held all the portfolios between
them (see First Whitlam Ministry). Whitlam later said: "The Caucus I joined in
1972 had as many Boer War veterans as men who had seen active service in World
War II, three from each. The Ministry appointed on the fifth of December 1972
was composed entirely of ex-servicemen: Lance Barnard and me." The full ministry
was sworn in on 19 December.
Although Labor had a comfortable working majority in the House, Whitlam faced a
hostile Senate voted in at the 1970 half-senate election, making it impossible
for him to pass legislation without the support of at least one of the other
parties Liberal, Country, or DLP.
After 23 years of opposition, the Labor party lacked experience in the mechanics
of government. Nevertheless, Whitlam embarked on a massive legislative reform
program. In the space of a little less than three years, the Whitlam Government
established formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China;
assumed responsibility for tertiary education from the states and abolished
tertiary fees; cut tariffs across the board by 25% and abolished the Tariff
Board; established the Schools Commission to distribute federal funds to assist
non-government schools on a needs basis; introduced a supporting benefit for
single-parent families; abolished the death penalty for federal crimes. It also
reduced the voting age to 18 years; abolished the last vestiges of the White
Australia Policy; introduced language programs for non-English speaking
Australians; mandated equal opportunities for women in Federal Government
employment; appointed women to judicial and administrative positions; abolished
conscription; set up the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee; amalgamated
the five separate defence departments; instituted direct federal grants to local
governments, and established the Order of Australia (Australia's own honours
system), as well as improved access to justice for Indigenous Australians;
introduced the policy of Self-determination for Indigenous Australians;
advocated land rights for Indigenous Australians; increased funding for
Indigenous Australian's welfare; introduced the Multiculturalism policy for all
new migrants; established Legal Aid, and increased funding for the arts.
The Senate resolutely opposed six key bills and twice rejected them. These were
designed to:
* Institute a universal health insurance system to be known as Medibank (this
occurred later under the Labor Hawke government, split in to Medibank Private
and the publicly accessible Medicare).
* Provide citizens of the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern
Territory with Senate representation for the first time.
* Regulate the size of House of Representatives electorates to ensure one vote
one value (this also occurred later, as of the 1984 federal election which also
introduced Group ticket voting in the Senate).
* Institute government overseeing of exploitation of minerals and oil.
The repeated rejection of these bills provided a constitutional trigger for a
double dissolution (a dissolution of both houses followed by an election for all
members of both houses), but Whitlam did not decide to call such an election
until April 1974. Instead, he expected to hold an election for half the Senate.
To improve his chances of winning control of the Senate, Whitlam offered the
former DLP Leader, Senator Vince Gair, the post of Ambassador to Ireland, thus
creating an extra Senate vacancy in Queensland which Whitlam hoped Labor could
win. This manoeuvre backfired, however, when the Queensland Premier, Joh
Bjelke-Petersen, learnt of the scheme and advised the Governor of Queensland to
issue the writs for the Queensland Senate election before Gair's resignation
could be obtained.
This "Gair affair" so outraged opponents of the Whitlam government that the
Opposition Leader Billy Snedden threatened to block supply in the Senate,
although he took no actual steps to do so. Whitlam, however, believing Snedden
was unpopular with the electorate, immediately went to the Governor-General, Sir
Paul Hasluck, and obtained a double dissolution of both Houses on 11 April, with
the election set down for 18 May. Whitlam went to the polls asking for a mandate
to "finish the job", and the ALP campaigned on the slogan "Give Gough a Go". At
the election the Whitlam government was re-elected, though with a reduced
majority. The DLP lost all its seats, but Labor failed to win a majority in the
Senate. The balance of power in the Senate was now held by two independent
Senators. In the short term, this led to the historic joint sitting of both
houses, at which the six bills were passed. In the longer term, it contained the
seeds of Whitlam's downfall.
In its second term, the Whitlam Government continued with its legislative reform
program, but became embroiled in a series of controversies, including attempts
to borrow large amounts of money from Middle Eastern governments (the "Loans
Affair"). Whitlam was forced to dismiss Treasurer Jim Cairns and another senior
minister, Rex Connor, for misleading Parliament.
Emboldened by these events, a weak economy, and a massive swing to them in a
mid-1975 by-election for the Tasmanian seat of Bass, the Liberal-Country
Opposition, led by Malcolm Fraser, argued that the Government's behaviour in
breaching constitutional conventions required that it in turn attempt to breach
one of the most fundamental, that the Senate would block Supply (that is, cut
off supply of Treasury funds).
The dismissal 1975
The crisis of 1975 might not have occurred had the Senate as elected in 1974
maintained its member status. The crisis was precipitated by the Senate delaying
the Whitlam government's money (Supply) bill. Although one of the two
independents, Michael Townley, joined the Liberal Party, the other, Steele Hall,
was opposed to blocking supply, and this would have been sufficient to prevent
such a course being followed. The change in the composition of the Senate which
made the constitutional crisis of 1975 possible was brought about by two
appointments to fill casual vacancies in the Senate, which under Section 15 of
the Australian Constitution are made by the State Parliaments 'if sitting'; or
otherwise by the State Governor 'with the advice of Executive Council'. Since
the introduction of proportional representation for Senate elections in 1949,
there was a convention that Senators who died or resigned should be replaced by
a Senator of their own party, and until 1975 state governments had adhered to
this convention. The practice in Queensland, however, which was established in
1952 by Labor Premier Gair when a Liberal senator died, was for the opposition
to provide a list of three names and for the Premier to be able to select one of
them.
In February 1975 the Premier of New South Wales, Tom Lewis, broke with
convention by appointing an independent Senator, Cleaver Bunton, to replace the
Attorney-General, Senator Lionel Murphy, who had been appointed to the High
Court of Australia. This appointment made no difference to the political
situation, because it turned out that Bunton was opposed to blocking supply, but
it provided a precedent for the Queensland National Party Premier, Joh
Bjelke-Petersen, when a Queensland ALP Senator, Bert Milliner, died on 30 June.
As permitted by Section 15 of the Australian Constitution, Bjelke-Petersen
refused to appoint the ALP's chosen replacement, Dr Mal Colston, and asked Labor
for three alternative nominations, as Gair had requested of them in 1952.
Bjelke-Petersen said he had concerns over Colston's integrity, but Labor
maintained that his real intention was to appoint a Senator who would support
the blocking of supply and thus help bring down the Whitlam government.
When Labor insisted on nominating Colston, Bjelke-Petersen nominated Albert
Field, president of the Federated Furnishing Trades Union and an ALP member of
thirty-eight years standing. Bjelke-Petersen maintained that he was therefore
not breaking convention. Under ALP rules, however, Field ceased to be an ALP
member as soon as he accepted nomination against an endorsed Labor candidate.
Field said that he was opposed to Whitlam's behaviour in office and that he had
approached Bjelke-Petersen asking to be nominated to the vacancy. Labor
maintained that in these circumstances Field was in effect an anti-Labor Senator
and that Bjelke-Petersen had broken the convention. (Colston later entered the
parliament in 1975 and retired - as an Independent - in 1999)
Field was granted leave from the Senate when High Court writs were filed
challenging his eligibility to sit, on the grounds that he was in Crown
employment at the time of his appointment. (Field had been employed by the
Queensland Education Department, and although he had resigned the day before he
was appointed, he was required by the Education Act to give three weeks'
notice). But the change to the composition of the Senate was in any case
decisive, because with Milliner's vote gone, the Opposition could pass Senate
motions 30 votes to 29. Rather than blocking supply, they moved to delay
consideration of the budget. This delay would have resulted in essential public
services ceasing to function due to lack of money; that is to say Whitlam
attempted to govern without supply and no government had ever attempted such a
course of action (Weller & Smith, The Rise and Fall of Whitlam Labor - full
citation below). Fraser warned that the bill would not be passed unless Whitlam
called an early election. Whitlam was determined to face the Opposition down,
and proposed to borrow money from the banks to keep the government running. He
was confident that some of the more moderate Liberal Senators would back down
when the situation worsened as appropriations ran out during November and
December.
The Governor-General Sir John Kerr was also concerned about the legality of
Whitlam's proposals for borrowing money, and to govern without Supply, although
the Solicitor-General and Attorney-General had scrutinised them for
legality.
Kerr contacted the Chief Justice of the High Court of Australia, the former
Liberal Attorney-General Sir Garfield Barwick, who gave Kerr private advice in a
letter on 10 November which stated in part:
* "...the Senate may not originate nor amend a money Bill ... the Senate has
constitutional power to refuse to pass a money Bill: it has power to refuse
Supply to the government of the day ... a Prime Minister who cannot ensure
Supply to the Crown, including funds for carrying on the ordinary services of
government, must either advise a general election ... or resign." Barwick also
added that the Governor General ... 'has constitutional authority to withdraw
his commission as Prime Minister." (Barwick's advice to Kerr on 10 November
1975, in Hall & Ironmonger, The Makers and Breakers )
Kerr was also advised, by New South Wales Governor Sir Roden Cutler that he must
warn Whitlam of the possibility of his dismissal.
On 11 November 1975, Kerr in accordance with Section 64 exercised his power and
revoked Whitlam's commission and installed Fraser as caretaker Prime Minister,
with instructions to make no policy changes, no appointments, no dismissals and
call an immediate federal election (Weller & Smith, 'The rise and fall of
Whitlam Labor'). In a double irony, the Labor Senators were not advised of
Whitlam's dismissal and at 2.15 pm the Supply Bills were brought on and
immediately passed, thus giving Fraser the essential money bills to continue the
business of government. At 2.45 pm Fraser announced he was caretaker Prime
Minister, had the Supply Bills passed and was advising a double dissolution
election. (Weller & Smith, 'The rise and fall of Whitlam Labor')
On hearing the proclamation dissolving Parliament, which ended with the
traditional 'God Save the Queen', Whitlam delivered an impromptu address to the
crowd that had gathered in front of the steps of Parliament House. During the
speech he labelled Fraser as "Kerr's cur" and told the crowd: "Ladies and
gentlemen, well may we say 'God Save the Queen', because nothing will save the
Governor-General."
In the House of Representatives, following Kerr's actions under Section 64,
Whitlam moved a motion 'that this House expresses its want of confidence in the
Prime Minister and requests Mr Speaker forthwith to advise His Excellency the
Governor-General to call on me to form a government'. This vote of confidence in
Whitlam was passed on party lines. News of this vote was delivered personally to
Kerr by the Speaker of the House Gordon Scholes, but Kerr refused to see the
Speaker until after his Official Secretary had read the notice of double
dissolution at Parliament House at 4.45 pm. (Weller & Smith, Ibid.)
Many unions mobilised and prepared to strike but the President of the ACTU Bob
Hawke called for unions not to be provoked. Although there were a number of
public protests against Fraser during the campaign, the media (especially the
Murdoch press, which had supported the ALP in 1972) had long since lost
confidence in Whitlam, reporting a string of ministerial failures. This had a
major influence on public opinion, signalled some months previously in the Bass
by-election and the election resulted in a landslide win to the Coalition.
During its three years in power, the Whitlam government was responsible for a
long list of legislative reforms, some of which still stand today. It replaced
Australia's adversarial divorce laws with a new, no-fault system; introduced the
Trade Practices Act; slashed tariff barriers; ended conscription; introduced a
universal national health insurance scheme Medibank, now known as Medicare; gave
independence to Papua New Guinea; made all university education free to its
recipients; introduced needs-based federal funding for private schools;
established the long-awaited "third tier" in Australian radio by legislating for
the establishment of community-based FM radio (commercial FM radio would be
established under his successor Fraser); and established diplomatic and trade
relations with the People's Republic of China.
However, Whitlam's critics point to substantial failings in his administration.
The economy declined, with adverse balance-of-payments problems, high
unemployment and (by Australian standards) very high inflation and bank interest
rates. External factors contributed to this, in particular the 1973 oil crisis
and resulting higher world oil prices, and falling prices for Australian farm
produce. But the Whitlam government's own economic policies such as its
controversial 1973 decision to reduce tariffs across the board by 25% were also
held partly responsible.
On social matters his reputation has been tarnished by his complicity in
refusing to act against the pro-separatist movement on Bougainville on 1
September 1975, just two weeks before PNG independence on 16 September 1975;
allowing Indonesia to invade Portuguese Timor on 7 December 1975 and later annex
the territory (although the invasion of Dili occurred the month after his
dismissal, the "covert" military campaign across the Indonesian border had begun
in October). Whitlam also refused to allow South Vietnamese refugees into the
country following the fall of Saigon in 1975, concerned that they would have
anti-communist sympathies hostile to the Australian Labor Party.
The autocratic Whitlam's "crash through or crash" style made many political
enemies, and the various scandals afflicting the government cost it electoral
support and momentum. His 'crash through or crash' style was also his Achilles
heel surrounding the lead-up to the dismissal (J. Walter, The Leader see full
citation below). Some Australians regarded his dismissal by the Governor-General
as an outrage, but the Australian electorate voted to replace the Whitlam
government by a record margin, and the Labor Party would not be a serious
candidate for government again until Whitlam was replaced as leader.
The Whitlam government was also greatly damaged by several highly-publicised
scandals, most notably the disastrous "Loans Affair" masterminded by Rex Connor,
the series of controversies over the questionable conduct of Treasurer and
deputy party leader Jim Cairns, and the Indonesian invasion of East Timor.
However, Whitlam's book The Truth Of The Matter recounts legal steps essayed in
the attempt to obtain or bypass parliamentary supply.
Out of office
Whitlam stayed on as Opposition Leader. The Whitlams were visiting China at the
time of the Tangshan earthquake in July 1976. Although they were staying in
Tientsin, 90 miles away from the epicentre, Margaret Whitlam was still slightly
injured.
Whitlam fought the 1977 election but Labor was defeated nearly as heavily as it
had been in 1975. On election night he announced his immediate retirement as
Leader of the Opposition, and he resigned from Parliament in 1978. After a few
years as a travelling lecturer, he was appointed Australian Ambassador to UNESCO
by the next Labor Prime Minister, Bob Hawke. Although Whitlam knew this was
partly a ploy by Hawke to get him out of the country, he hugely enjoyed the
Paris posting and made a great impression on other UNESCO delegates. He has
published several volumes of memoirs.
The Labor historian Bob Ellis has described him as "the self-appointed deity of
the Labor Party". The sole issue over which he has received sustained criticism
from the left is his failure to oppose Indonesia's plans to annex East Timor,
then Portuguese Timor.
Whitlam turned 80 in 1996, but still made regular public appearances and
continued to comment on some issues, notably republicanism: in the 1999
referendum, he campaigned together on this issue with his old enemy Fraser. He
felt the Hawke government had wasted its opportunities to continue the Whitlam
reform program, but was more enthusiastic about Paul Keating's government. After
1996, he was scathingly critical of John Howard, but also of Kim Beazley, who
was Labor leader from 1996 to 2001 this feud apparently went back to Whitlam's
dislike of Beazley's father (Kim Beazley, senior), who had been a minister in
Whitlam's government.
Whitlam was delighted when his former research assistant and then-MP
representing his old seat of Werriwa, Mark Latham, was elected Labor leader on 2
December 2003, exactly 31 years after Whitlam's own election as Prime Minister.
By that time Whitlam, 87, was increasingly frail and usually appeared in public
with a walking stick, but his ability and willingness to make outspoken comments
had not diminished, and he spoke frequently in praise of Latham.
In April 2004, Whitlam spoke at a function marking the centenary of the Watson
Labor government. Later in the year he appeared at Labor events during the
unsuccessful 2004 federal election campaign, and appeared to be in good health.
Latham's diaries, however, were published in September 2005, and included a
claim that Whitlam had dismissively remarked to Labor MP Joel Fitzgibbon that he
thought Latham who had by then resigned as leader should quit politics
altogether. When Latham learned of the remark, he cut off all contact with his
former mentor and described Whitlam's comment as "the cruellest cut of all".
Whitlam subsequently claimed that he simply told Fitzgibbon he thought it was
"unsustainable" for Latham to stay on as an MP because of his ill-health.
In November 2005, he donated his letter of dismissal and his copy of the "It's
time" campaign speech to the University of Western Sydney. A member of the
Australian Fabian Society, Whitlam was its President in 2002.
Whitlam has been a supporter of fixed parliamentary terms since his membership
of a constitutional review committee in the 1950s. A week before his ninetieth
birthday he accused the ALP of failing to press for this reform.
The Whitlam Government 1972 - 1975 - Gough Whitlam Hardback
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